The Malaysian Chinese Association, its deputy president rightly points out, is swimming in treacherous waters. There is every danger that it might not survive beyond the next general election. Dissatisfied voters, rightly or wrongly, often take out their frustration during elections by voting for the opposition. The MCA has been at the receiving end and is now reduced to 15 parliamentarians.
Yet, despite this poor performance, the party's number of cabinet positions remained unchanged. Despite the tremendous power of patronage that accompanies ministerial positions, the MCA has found going forward very challenging. In recent party elections, members decided to retire many tired faces.
It also elected a woman vice president, a first in a BN component party. But that AGM did not solve the obvious cracks in the party and the party is still mired in internal squabbles. More critically, there is now a crisis of confidence in its president. In his attempt to cut the Gordian Knot and release the party from the PKFZ scandal, which is daily pulling the MCA into political oblivion, Ong Tee Keat (left) is putting his career on the line.
Rift continues to widen
Dr Chua Soi Lek's recent call for the party to distance itself from the fallout between Ong and Tiong, the Kuala Dimensi CEO, over the PKFZ scandal, is another clear sign that the rift between thepresident and his deputy is widening.Never one for toeing the party line, both Ong and Chua now appear to be larger in stature than the party they represent.
In short, the MCA's fate is now inextricably bound-up with the fates of both these men. Ong has now staked his political reputation on resolving the PKFZ scandal whilst Chua battles hypocrisy andmiddle-class morality over a video-tape scandal that refuses to go away.
To the general public, the PKFZ scandal demonstrates the cosy relationship politicians have with certain corporate figures. Several MCA ministers and party nominees have been implicated. Even if one was to be generous, the scandal puts brings into question the competence and accountability of BN politicians.
The continuing saga of Chua Soi Lek, with the added side-show of a party disciplinary hearing, reveals the toxic levels of skull-duggery in the party.
Allegations that Chua was set-up by party members opposed to him confirm for the public the unsavoury nature of the MCA.These negative perceptions strengthened at precise and almost methodical intervals of more salacious revelations will eventually come back to haunt the party.
Heads on a platter
The Malaysian public, particularly urban voters whom the MCA relies upon, are no longer willing to compromise particularly when public money is involved. Increasingly, in semi-rural areas, morality is also a major vote swinger.
The MCA's current branding as exemplified by its leaders, and, which may not be justified, is: "corrupt", "incompetent" and "immoral".
Now that the PKFZ scandal has grown to such monumental proportions, the public will not accept anything except heads on a platter.If the government is unwilling or unable to make a strong case against those who cheat, the opposition may be given the mandate to do so in the next general election.
The fact remains that the opposition has successfully implanted the idea that BN component parties like the MCA are mere appendages to Umno. Ong is attempting to change that perception by taking a stab at corruption over the PKFZ scandal, which is why his short-sighted decision to accept the use of private-jets whilst performing hisministerial duties have somewhat blunted his sword.
Meanwhile, his deputy Chua,(right )who wants the MCA to distance itself from the tribulations of the party president, has been given the Herculean task of turning the BN into a truly inter-party machine. This is an impossible task not so much because he has to operate in Pakatan-held states but because he will need Umno to treat the MCA and other component parties as equals.
It seems highly unlikely that a fractious MCA can regain the seats lost in the last general election if these internal issues and external challenges remained unsolved. With the MIC probably under the thumb of Samy Vellu till 2015 and Gerakan unable to decide what sort of ideological platform it is fighting for; there is little doubt that the BN is a fragile coalition. So long as the MCA is unable to bring with it a sizeable number of urban voters, its future as a viable political party remains in serious doubt.
For most Malaysians of Chinese descent, the MCA is no longer relevant. They share the common problems of urban life with Malaysians of all ethnic backgrounds.
If the MCA wants urban votes, it may eventually have to recognize the reality that whilst racism still has its appeal in rural areas, drawing votes based on blind faith in race-based parties in semi-urban and urban Malaysia is no longer a viable strategy.
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